Preserving Sanatan Dharma: A Battle for India’s Soul
Last week, Prime Minister Narendra Modi undertook a heartening endeavor by addressing the long-standing critics of Sanatan Dharma. He sought to educate the nation about the virtues deeply ingrained in Sanatana Dharma, which has served as the bedrock of our journey from a civilization to a nation-state. Those who aim to obliterate this sense of civilizational pride and identity are effectively waging a war against India’s progress, particularly its economic resurgence. Their covert mission appears to be one of undermining India, all for their limited gains.
Before we delve into the recent, well-coordinated onslaught on Sanatan Dharma orchestrated by political entities such as DMK, SP, RJD, and Congress, it is essential to decode the history of this ideological battle that has persisted since India gained independence. Understanding this historical context is crucial in recognizing why the latest assault is among the most insidious.
The Hatred Against Sanatan Dharma Since Independence
The animosity towards Sanatana Dharma has had dire consequences for our nation, especially until the year 2014. Eminent historian and publisher Sitaram Goel, in a recent Firstpost article, described Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as a “bloated Brown Sahib” and identified Nehruism as an amalgamation of imperialist ideologies—namely, Islam, Christianity, White Man’s Burden, and Communism—imported during foreign invasions. Goel fervently believed that for India to thrive, Nehruism must be discarded.
Unfortunately, even five decades after Nehru’s passing, the Congress party couldn’t rid itself of this “bloated Brown Sahib” mentality. One glaring symptom of this mentality was the inherent disdain for the Sanatan faith.
In 1951, Nehru’s opposition to President Rajendra Prasad’s participation in the inauguration of the restored Somnath Temple is well-documented. Nehru expressed his disapproval, stating, “I confess that I do not like the idea of your associating yourself with a spectacular opening of the Somnath Temple. This is not merely visiting a temple, which can certainly be done by you or anyone else but rather participating in a significant function which unfortunately has a number of implications.”
Nehru’s reference to “implications” was a veiled allusion to concerns about undermining his vision of secularism. Throughout the temple’s restoration process, Nehru was often at odds with his cabinet minister, KM Munshi, who oversaw the project. Nehru believed that openly supporting the temple’s restoration would strengthen what he perceived as “Hindu revivalist” forces in the country. Nehru’s apologetic attitude toward the majority faith paved the way for the emergence of “hate-Sanatan” politics, which became a defining characteristic of certain political parties, including his own, in the years and decades that followed.
In the southern part of India, the antipathy towards Sanatan Dharma was spearheaded by DMK founder Periyar EV Ramaswamy. The vitriol against the Hindu faith propagated by Periyar continues to persist, exemplified by individuals like A Raja, Udhayanidhi Stalin, and TR Baalu.
The Congress party has also played a dubious role in this regard. In 1974, the Indira Gandhi government attempted to rebrand Tipu Sultan as an icon of secularism by issuing a commemorative stamp, despite Tipu Sultan’s historical record as the destroyer of Hindu temples and the perpetrator of atrocities against Hindus in South India.
The Congress’s duplicity reached alarming levels during the UPA era when the government, in an affidavit filed with the Supreme Court, denied the existence of Lord Ram. Moreover, the UPA attempted to impose the biased Communal Violence Prevention Bill in 2011, a move that was successfully thwarted by the BJP.
Rahul Gandhi continues this duplicity by certifying the IUML as “perfectly secular” in June 2023. Just a few weeks later, the IUML organized a large procession in Kerala calling for violence against Hindus, perhaps emboldened by Rahul Gandhi’s certification.
Therefore, the attack on Sanatan faith and sentiments is far from a recent phenomenon. It has been prevalent since India gained independence and has been driven by politicians who harbored compromised and antagonistic views towards the Hindu faith. This climate of hate inadvertently created fertile ground for the emergence of the BJP, a political party that staunchly supports Hindu interests.
The Global Resurgence of Sanatan
In India, Prime Minister Modi has been at the forefront of the resurgence of Sanatan values. The year 2014 marked a pivotal turning point for the nation. For the second time since Atal Bihari Vajpayee, India had a Prime Minister in Narendra Modi who unapologetically embraced and championed Sanatan pride. This shift in leadership brought about significant changes. The covert support for “Islamist terror” from certain political quarters was the first casualty. Here was a Prime Minister who transcended petty appeasement politics and prioritized what he believed was in the best interest of the nation.
What followed was the diplomatic isolation of Pakistan on the global stage, the resolution of the protracted Ram Janmbhoomi dispute, which paved the way for the grand Ram Temple, and India’s unparalleled economic and geopolitical ascendancy. Throughout this journey, Prime Minister Modi consistently invoked India’s civilizational heritage, drawing generously from Hindu religious scriptures and fearlessly calling out figures like Aurangzeb. Consequently, a substantial portion of “silent, detached Hindus” underwent a transformation into “proud, visible Hindus.” This transformation notably unsettled regional parties like the Samajwadi Party, RJD, and DMK, whose politics thrived on fomenting caste-based divisions among Hindus.
For the first time in Indian politics, a consolidated Hindu vote emerged, capable of recognizing the nefarious designs of certain regional parties. These former regional stalwarts have only one individual to blame for their diminished influence—Narendra Modi. Hence, the renewed onslaught on Sanatan sentiments can be viewed as an attack on the Prime Minister who made championing the Sanatan faith fashionable in Indian politics.
The resurgence of Sanatan faith is not confined to India alone; it’s a global phenomenon. Last year, U.S. President Joe Biden hosted the largest-ever Diwali celebration at the White House. On September 3rd this year, the city of Louisville in the United States celebrated World Sanatan Day. UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has been unapologetic in acknowledging his Sanatan roots. The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) is a thriving global movement. It’s fair to assert that India, under Prime Minister Modi’s leadership, has contributed to this cultural resurgence and amplified its soft power on the global stage.
Consequently, the recent well-coordinated attacks on Sanatana Dharma carry a sinister undertone—a plan to derail India’s ambitious Amrit Kaal goals set under Prime Minister Modi.
Sanatan’s Relevance in India’s Journey to 2047
As it has occurred numerous times throughout history, Prime Minister Modi, with his staunch advocacy of Sanatan values in his recent speeches, has effectively countered the onslaught by the I.N.D.I alliance against Sanatan. Sanatana Dharma has endured nearly a thousand years of relentless attempts to uproot it. Even formidable rulers like Aurangzeb and Babur could not eradicate it. Therefore, there is no way that the I.N.D.I alliance will succeed even partially in its assault on Sanatan.
An attack on Sanatan ethos is an attack on the love displayed by Lord Ram for the boatman Kewat and Mata Shabri. It is an attack on the Ganapati festivities initiated by Lokmanya Tilak to culturally mobilize native Indians against the British colonialists. It is an attack on Swami Vivekananda’s historic speech at the World Conference of Religions in Chicago, where he showcased the plurality of Hinduism to the world.
Few are aware that in 1893, Swami Vivekananda and Jamsetji Tata met during a voyage from Japan to Vancouver. They spent several weeks exchanging thoughts, and it was Swami Vivekananda who reportedly convinced Jamsetji Tata that Indian entrepreneurs should venture beyond trading and delve into production, necessitating investments in advanced scientific research. These discussions left a profound impact on Jamsetji, an influence he acknowledged in his writings. The concept behind the Indian Institute of Science, established in 1911, was rooted in these conversations.
This historical episode underscores that those who truly understand Sanatana Dharma recognize it as a progressive way of life. This perspective is reiterated in the writings of Mahatma Gandhi on the Hindu faith and in Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay’s articulation of principles like “antodaya” and integral humanism.
Prime Minister Modi, often lauded as India’s most forward-thinking and visionary leader, possesses the ability to contemplate the next 24 years while tirelessly working round the clock in the present. This ability stems from his adept assimilation of his Dharma—the religious and moral law that guides personal conduct.
In contrast, unqualified dynasts with no grasp of history or religion may continue to vilify the Sanatan faith. However, they must remember that this is not the era of Periyar or Nehru when the Hindu community would passively endure insults. This tirade against Sanatan will have consequences in the upcoming 2024 elections.
On Prime Minister Modi’s birthday, the nation expresses gratitude for his unapologetic pride in being a Hindu. His unwavering commitment to invoking Sanatan ethos and pride has led to increased awareness and enlightenment among the younger generation regarding our civilization’s brilliance. This newfound awareness and enlightenment will undoubtedly serve as a valuable asset in India’s journey toward achieving its Amrit Kaal goals.
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